URL for this article is
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/ploy2.htm
www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes]
MACEDONIA: WASHINGTON'S
MILITARY-INTELLIGENCE PLOY
by Michel Chossudovsky [17
June 2001]
The media
is presently full of
talk of a possible NATO intervention to "save" Macedonia.
But a NATO led military intervention in Macedonia, involving
NATO or KFOR troops, or American and British special forces
"against the NLA rebels" would be a phony operation from
the outset. Amply documented, the NLA terrorists, who
are directly linked to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA),
are armed and trained by Washington. So why would the
US intervene under NATO auspices to fight against its
own proxy army? Instead, the presence of NATO or Anglo-US
troops would further Washington's strategic goals. [3]
The US is once more waging a proxy war
using the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) to fight the Macedonian
Armed Forces. While US KFOR troops stationed in Kosovo
are
not directly involved, American military personnel from
Military Professional Resources, Inc (MPRI) (a mercenary
outfit on contract to the Pentagon) is advising the Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA) and its Macedonian proxy the NLA.
[1]
ALBANIAN REBEL LEADERS PAID BY THE
UNITED NATIONS
Military personnel
of the "civilian" Kosovo
Protection Corps (KPC) (i.e. the KLA under its UN label)
have now joined the NLA. KPC Reservists have been called
up and KPC Chief of Staff Gezim Ostreni --who was on the
United Nations payroll-- has been appointed "second in command" in
the NLA.
Also well established
is the longstanding
relationship between KLA Commander Agim Ceku and MPRI General
Richard Griffiths. In all likelihood, KLA Commander Agim
Ceku --well versed in the art of ground war artillery--
is also playing a key role in military planning. In fact,
the personal relationship between Griffiths and Ceku goes
back to the planning of "Operation Storm" in 1995 by the
Croatian Armed Forces, which led to ethnic massacres and
the expulsion of more than 200,000 Serbs from the Krajina
region of Croatia.[2]
In October 1998,
Griffith --who had been
in charge of MPRI's "Equip and Train" program in Croatia--
was decorated upon his departure from Croatia. A few months
later, Brigadier General Agim Ceku took leave from the
Croatian
military to take on the position of Commander in Chief
of
the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). These appointments took
place barely two months prior to the bombing of Yugoslavia
in March 1999:
MPRI sub-contracted some of the
training
programme to two British private security companies, ensuring
that between 1998 and June 1999 the KLA was being armed,
trained and assisted in Italy, Turkey, Kosovo and Germany
by the Americans, the German external intelligence service
and former and serving members of Britain's 22 SAS Regiment." [3]
MACEDONIAN MILITARY BRASS COLLABORATES
WITH THE REBELS
Coincidentally, General Richard Griffiths
is also director of MPRI's program in Macedonia responsible
for channeling US military aid to the Macedonian Armed Forces
(ARM). Griffith has also developed a longstanding personal
relationship with General Jovan Andrejevski who is Chief
of Staff of the Macedonian Armed Forces (ARM). These ties
go back to the time when Andrejevski was in military school
in the US.
Ironically, both
Ceku and Andrejevski were
trained by General Griffiths. What this means is that MPRI's
Richard Griffiths is "a go between" the two armies, collecting
military intelligence from the Macedonian Armed Forces
(ARM)
which he then relays to Commander Agim Ceku and his MPRI
colleagues advising the KLA in Kosovo. He also reports
back
to MPRI headquarters in Virginia which is in close liaison
with the Pentagon.
Barely mentioned by Western media, the
role of MPRI was the centre of a major scandal involving
ARM Commander in Chief General Jovan Andrejevski, who was
accused of:
"relaying sensitive information to
Albanian terrorists... through his 'sponsorship' of the
American General in charge in Skopje Rich Griffiths, who
used those same trustworthy accounts of the maneuvers of
the Macedonian security forces to then 'relay' this information
to his 'good friends', the Albanian terrorists of the KLA-NLA...
The retired General Griffiths... directly 'supported' Albanian
terrorist formations of the so-called "National Liberation
Army" with very detailed and secret intelligence obtained
from the General Staff of the ARM personally from its chief
Jovan Adrejevski. This great scandal ... may have contributed
to the delays ... of the expected successes in the defeat
of the terrorists. Television 'A-1' claims that other than
the proof of 'secretive intelligence meetings between Adrejevski
and Griffiths (who was marked as Andrejevski's boss upon
Adrejevski's completion of military schooling in the United
States), we still haven't obtained documents concerning
their 'exchange of military secrets'... The head of the
ARM General Staff Jovan Adrejevski responded today [May
22nd] in a written statement that a 'war without scruples'
was being waged against him, not to mention the fact that
the second highest ranking officer of the ARM General Pande
Petrovski has already announced his resignation... as a
result of the important military and command intelligence
'leaks'. [4]
THE ROLE OF THE OSCE
MPRI's military-intelligence
ploy was carefully
coordinated with another CIA sponsored operation carried
out under the inter-governmental umbrella of the Organisation
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The recently
appointed head of the OSCE mission to Macedonia Robert
Frowick,
described as a "former US diplomat," was entrusted with
the task of "brokering" an agreement between the NLA terrorists
and the Albanian parties which are part of the government
coalition. Under the OSCE "cover", Frowick's activities
--consisting of establishing a dialogue with the rebels--
largely replicated the role performed by another CIA agent
William Walker when he was OSCE Head of Mission in Kosovo
in the months preceding the 1999 bombings of Yugoslavia.
Frowick was instrumental --on Washington's
instructions-- in arranging secret meetings between NLA
rebel leader Ali Ahmeti and the Albanian parties, essentially
with a view to including the KLA directly into the Macedonian
political scene while creating a rift in the government
coalition.
Washington acknowledged Frowick's contacts
with the rebel leaders, while casually denying US involvement:
"A special envoy from the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe ( OSCE) , Robert
Frowick, a U.S. diplomat who is the special OSCE envoy for
Macedonia, was reported to have brokered the agreement.
But the State Department official, who spoke on condition
of anonymity, neither confirmed nor denied Frowick's involvement
in brokering the agreement. Frowick was under pressure to
leave the country, reports in Macedonia said... [T]he heads
of Western diplomatic missions in Skopje met Wednesday in
the U.S. embassy to 'discuss Frowick's future' and find
ways to 'disassociate' him from official Washington... The
Albanian agreement was signed by the leaders of the Democratic
Party of Albanians, Arben Xhaferi, the chief of the Party
for Democratic Progress, Imer Imeri, and the political leader
of the guerrilla National Liberation Army (UCK), Ali Ahmeti.
The Albanian parties are members of the governing coalition." [5]
In the wake of the scandal, Frowick was
recalled to OSCE headquarters in Bucharest. Despite the
allegations of having committed treason, General Adrejevski
has remained ARM Commander in Chief following negotiations
between the government and military with the US and UK ambassadors.
With the Albanian parties in the coalition
establishing formal ties with the rebels, the government
coalition is in crisis. The entire political system is in
a state of collapse. Moreover, public opinion in Macedonia
now knows that both the government and the ARM are collaborating
with the enemy, namely the United States. Yet in a bitter
irony, the government has not opposed Washington's diktats.
Skopje has been instructed by Washington not to pursue the
MPRI matter. General Richard Griffiths has not been ordered
to leave the country. While Washington is supporting the
NLA terrorists, it has retained a firm grip on the Macedonian
military high command. As the crisis unfolds, divisions
within the ARM are developing. Military commanders in charge
of defending Macedonian territory feel betrayed by the ARM
Chief of Staff and the government.
THE IMF PUTS A LID ON DEFENCE SPENDING
The activities of
the IMF in Macedonia
have been carefully coordinated with those of NATO and
the
OSCE. While money, guns and mercenaries are channeled towards
the NLA rebels, the Macedonian government is in a financial
straightjacket. Under the "Stability Pact", its entire
budget
is controlled by the IMF and the World Bank on behalf of
international creditors. In other words, the imposition
of severe austerity measures by the IMF prevents it from
defending its territory.
The IMF's ceiling
on military expenditure
is tantamount to a "de facto" arms embargo on Macedonia
obliging the government to use the proceeds of the IMF-World
Bank sponsored privatisation program to equip the ARM and
fight the rebels. The Minister of Finance has confirmed
that "the sale of the [government's] stake in Macedonian
Telekom will be used for defence".6 Such events have added
a new twist to the old maxim "War is good for business":
the terrorist assaults have no doubt depressed the book
value of State assets currently on the auction block.
In turn, military expenditures are also
being financed from the government's reserve fund while
budgets on all civilian programs and social infrastructure
including water, electricity and emergency relief to civilians
affected by the terrorist assaults have been frozen.
No significant influx
of military aid to
the ARM has been forthcoming from the European Union. Meanwhile,
token US military assistance --channeled through the MPRI--
is granted largely to convey the illusion that "America
is helping" when in fact "America is at War with Macedonia."
7 Meanwhile, the NLA rebels have been re-equipped with brand
new weapons "Made in America".[8]
Notes
[1.] For further details
see Michel Chossudovsky, "Washington Finances Ethnic Warfare in the Balkans" April
2001 at http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/fin.htm
[2]. Ibid.
[3.] The Scotesman,
2 March 2001. Recent developments
would suggest that Germany is no longer involved in supporting
the KLA. See Michel Chossudovsky "America at War in Macedonia" at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/pipe.htm.
[4.] According to TV "A-1",
quoted in Politika,
Belgrade, 22 May 2001. Our own detailed analysis of the
role of the MPRI first released in early April, was published
in Skopje by Dvenik on the 18th of May 2001 a few days
prior
to the report concerning Andrejevski on TV A1).
[5.] Deutsche Press Agentur, 24 May 2001.
[6.] See Jane Defense Weekly, 2 May 2001.
[7.] See Michel Chossudovsky. "America at
War in Macedonia", op cit.
[8.] According to information from Skopje,
15 June 2001
[9.] "Save the families: The women of Orahovac
speak". Interview with women from the Kosovo town of Orahovac
at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/misc/savethe.htm
Recent articles by the author on the Balkans:
"Washington Finances Ethnic Warfare in the
Balkans" (3 April 2001) available at: http://www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/fin.htm
"America at War in Macedonia" (14
June 2001)
at http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/pipe.htm.
"Economic Terrorism", May 2001 at
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/choss/eco1.htm
© Copyright
by Michel Chossudovsky,
Ottawa, June 2001. All rights reserved. Permission is granted
to post this text on non-commercial community internet
sites,
provided the essay remains intact and the copyright note
is displayed. To publish this text in printed and/or other
forms (including excerpts and on commercial internet sites),
contact the author at chossudovsky@videotron.ca or chossudovsky@sprint.ca
, fax: 1-514-425-6224.
|